October 4, 2025 07:02 AM IST
First published on: Oct 4, 2025 at 07:02 AM IST
On October 2, #RSS@100 was one of the top 10 trending hashtags globally. For the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) that turned 100 on that day, there cannot be any better signifier of its fame and popularity. Not many organisations survive this long. The RSS did not just survive but has grown steadily in the last 10 decades. In the first quarter of its existence, it faced the wrath, first of the British government, which sought to impose curbs on it in the Central Provinces (CP) in the 1930s, and subsequently, the Nehruvian section of independent Indian leadership that imposed a ban on its activities in 1948.
When the organisation turned 50, it faced another ban during the infamous Emergency at the hands of the Indira Gandhi-led government in 1975. Those initial decades saw the RSS facing severe criticism, mischaracterisation, and demonisation by the Nehruvians and communists who captured important positions in public offices, including the government, media, and academia. Its adversaries believed that the organisation would buckle and perish, but it did not. On the contrary, it succeeded in winning over the support and sympathy of several of them. Jayaprakash Narayan, who had accused the RSS of involvement in the murder of Mahatma Gandhi in 1948, turned around in the 1970s and told an RSS gathering, “You are committed and devoted people and also disciplined and imbued with many qualities. It is my expectation from you and, as an elder, it is my prayer, that God may bless you with strength enough to give a new shape to India”. Even Jawaharlal Nehru had to acknowledge the RSS’s patriotic role during the Sino-Indian War of 1962. The RSS swayamsevaks were invited to take part in the Republic Day Parade in January 1963, marching shoulder to shoulder with the soldiers of the Indian armed forces.
At 75, the organisation saw one of its pracharaks, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, leading a government run by a coalition of 23 parties. At 100, another pracharak, Narendra Modi, holds sway not only domestically but globally. Hindutva, the sheet-anchor of the RSS school of thought, once regarded by its adversaries as a “fringe ideology”, is today mainstreamed and accepted by millions of Indians. Its cadre, who run dozens of organisations in almost all walks of national life, have emerged as leaders of the entire society.
What more is needed for its leadership to celebrate? True to its tradition, however, the RSS has decided not to celebrate the centenary but assess its journey of the past carefully and orchestrate a new vision for the next 100 years. Sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat alluded to it in his annual Vijayadashami address at Nagpur. His centenary message was not only for the rest of the world, but also importantly for millions of swayamsevaks and other participants of the vast movement.
In the last 100 years, three key characteristics of the RSS have driven its growth. First, it did not become a prisoner of an ideology. Ideology-driven parties and movements — the Communist Party of India, for instance, which incidentally completed 100 years last year — faded away. Hindutva, in contrast, is emblematic of the core cultural and civilisational identity of the country. K B Hedgewar, the founder of the RSS, drew inspiration from leaders like Vivekananda, Aurobindo Ghosh, Balgangadhar Tilak, Mahatma Gandhi, V D Savarkar, and B R Ambedkar. For these leaders, the use of cultural symbols and religious practices — Ganesh Utsavs, bhajans, and fasting — was a legitimate way of mobilising public opinion against the colonial government. Till the advent of Muslim League-driven separatism, Indian Muslims too did not see anything alien in such cultural practices.
Hedgewar was categorical at the very inception that the Sangh was “not created to harbour hatred or to destroy anyone”. “Hinduism, the foundation of our culture, is a religion that emphasises virtuous qualities and teaches us the principle of “Atmavat Sarvabhuteshu” ( to treat all beings as ourselves), he stressed. Bhagwat too has reiterated that the RSS’s Hindutva is no different from that of the leaders of the freedom movement. It is not an “us versus them” discourse but an effort to unite the entire nation of 1.4 billion people.
Second, the RSS has grown, not because of any outside support, but on the strength and dedication of millions of its cadre, whom Balasaheb Deoras, the third Sarsanghachalak, described as “Dev Durlabh Karyakarta” — a cadre that even gods envy. The RSS never depended on political or financial power for its growth. It grew stronger in adversity. In states like Kerala, where adversity is most severe, the RSS registered its highest growth. At a time when power and pelf is at its beck and call, the organisation needs to remember this core principle.
Finally, the RSS drew its strength from the goodwill of millions of countrymen. When the British government sought to impose curbs on it in the 1930s, prominent leaders in CP, mostly Congressmen, opposed that move. When Nehru sought to implicate the RSS in Gandhi’s murder, Sardar Patel wrote to him that, as home minister, he didn’t find any evidence of its involvement in the same. Eminent citizens stood in support of the RSS to convince Nehru and Patel to lift the ban. The sant samaj, the religious establishment, stands by it today. So do thousands of well-meaning citizens from all sections of society. This support, which Bhagwat describes as the sajjan shakti (the backing of good citizens) too has been instrumental in the RSS’s rise.
At 100, the organisation must remember the three crucial factors — inclusive thought process, dedicated cadre, and goodwill of the citizens — that have helped it master the art of navigating adversity. Its future course depends on its ability to steer through the present.
The writer, president, India Foundation, is with the BJP. Views are personal
